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On Herodotus' Histories
The
Greeks
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The Greeks
referred to all other peoples as barbarians (whose unintelligible
speech sounded like bar-bar-bar), using it in the wider sense of
foreigners. But their
conscious cultural pride was unmistakable. Herodotus reveals his
in saying, 'the Greeks have been from very ancient times distinguished
from the barbarians by superior sagacity and freedom from foolish simpleness.' They were of much mixed racial stock to speak of
differences - the key attributes of Greek identity were language,
religion and culture. |
Greek religion was derived from
the 'age of the heroes' (depicted in the Iliad and Odyssey) - a few hundred
years before Homer who lived in the eight century BCE, part of a long line
of bards reciting and transmitting oral poetry. Homer was the universal
teacher of Hellas, the essential textbook in school, the undisputed
authority on their God's
and ancestors - an educated, upwardly-mobile fifth century Greek gent
could be expected to recite several stretches of his poetry. |
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The striking
feature of the Greek gods is their remarkable humanization. Apart from
their immortality and superior power, they were mirror images of people.
They lusted, hated, cheated, seduced, schemed, turned jealous, and often
acted without any ethical principles. They just had to be on your side,
and if not, you had to cajole and bribe them with gifts and sacrifices -
the gods grew fond of and helped individuals, no matter what their
conduct. They held power in different domains and kept their place in an
intricate social divine-world which (surprise, surprise!) mimicked the
social values of the Trojan war heroes. |
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In Greek mythology,
humans had descended directly from the gods who inhabited the same natural
world and dealt with similar everyday challenges. There were hundreds of supernaturals and each community patronized one. Mostly harmless, they
didn't stand in judgment from high above, and didn't give anyone a hard time
unless someone challenged their enormous egos - like the mortal Paris
inviting proof by judging Hera and Athena less beautiful than Aphrodite. The
Trojans paid for his folly with their blood. |
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The Greeks paid
collective homage via temples - a house of god with the deity's statue
and treasures, not a place of worship with prayer-stools and shrines.
For rituals there was the ubiquitous outdoor altar, and heroes like
Heracles and Achilles had cults of their own. Sacrifices and
processions, frequently sponsored by the state, were the most common
religious activities. They were managed by priests who were secular
officials of the state - laymen, not a hereditary caste as in Persia.
Religion was inclusive, assimilating new deities at times, alongside
Zeus et all.♣ It had no doctrine,
no 'mother church', no concept of sin or morality, and therefore, no
sacrilege, no guilt, no atonement. The stress was on this world rather
than an after-life. As a result, Greek religion provided little moral guidance or
discipline for everyday living - that came from their culture and the
laws of the polis (city-state). |
Interestingly
enough, the Ionian enlightenment (before Herodotus' time) had challenged the
flawed morality of the gods - in sixth century BCE, Xenophanes of Colophon
complained, 'Homer and Hesiod have attributed to the gods everything that is
disgraceful and blameworthy among men: theft, adultery and deceit'. Plato
too lamented the divine virtues embedded in Homeric poetry and 'that a man
ought to regulate his life by following this poet.'
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The Archaic age
that preceded the Classical age was one of aristocratic tradition.♣
Early warring tribes of the region had lived off piracy - then considered a
heroic thing to do - falling upon villages with no walls to protect them.
Over time, these tribes began to group together for easier survival, built
defenses, acquired settled lifestyles, fleets, and hereditary monarchies,
applying themselves to the acquisition of property and wealth. 'The love of
gain would reconcile the weaker to the dominion of the stronger, and the
possession of resources enabled the more powerful to reduce the smaller
towns to subjection.'♣ There was
considerable uniformity in that aristocratic families everywhere monopolized
the organs of decision making, warfare, and judicial procedures. Geography
contributed to an uneven, disjointed development for centuries, a period
we perceive only dimly, and which led to an elementary distinction between
oligarchic and democratic principles. |
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Early
city-states evolved at Sparta and Athens. They offered local pride and a
sense of identity. In Athens, in response to a tyranny in seventh
century BCE, a stern law code was established by Draco. A few years
later, after much aristocratic in-fighting, emerged a new leader, Solon,
chosen by consensus and charged with the task of reform. He modified the
law code to suit the aristocratic share-cropping society. In its concern
for the weak, his code resembled Hummurabi's, the Babylonian monarch who
lived a millennium earlier. But Solon's code was secular, Hummurabi
acted in the name of the gods. Besides, the latter legislated for
subjects of a king, the former laid down rules for the community to
govern itself.♣ Aristotle
later highlighted Solon's top three achievements: a general amnesty for
debtors freeing them from enslavement, introduction of appeals to a
popular tribunal, and the right of a third party to seek justice in
court on behalf of an aggrieved person (the birth of the lawyer). |
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Military and
leadership positions now came to be tied to wealth in land - the right
to own property was also an incentive to compete for more - a
fundamental difference from Persia where all land ultimately belonged to
the king. Over time, power devolved to smaller units of landowners and
led to decision-making via representatives. Old style tyrannies,
however, remained common elsewhere in Greece and which 'with their habits of
providing simply for themselves, of looking solely to their personal
comfort and family aggrandizement, made safety the great aim of their
policy, and prevented anything great proceeding from them .'♣
With increasing rivalry between city-states, the leisured classes
applied themselves to winning glory for themselves and their communities
via chariot races and other competitions. Sun-lit skies and mild weather
were ample encouragement for outdoor life. |
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While there were relatively few
material or technological differences between the various peoples, enormous
differences of culture and institutions had come about by the mid-fifth
century.♣ Athens was a
constitutional democracy and practiced justice by jury trials - law was the
king, and all were equal subjects. The hereditary aristocratic entitlements
of the past were undermined in this new age. The Athenian democracy was direct,
not representative. Other than resident foreigners, slaves, and women, all adult
males (20% of the total population) were members of the Assembly (i.e.,
citizens) from which a ruling Council was chosen by
lot. The individual citizen, however, had no natural or inalienable
rights to protect him from the virtually unlimited power of collective
decision-making, even when in practice it chose to leave alone certain areas
of private life. |
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Ordinary Athenians aspired to
noble fame and glory via public office, were patriotic, and existed for
and within the framework of the polis - their raison d'ętre.
While fiercely competitive, they disapproved of overt ambition and
displays of private luxury. They celebrated youth in popular culture -
the good were thought to die young - and put up statues of sports-stars
in public places. The polis mandated military service from all
citizens. Victims of war received elaborate public funerals which began
with ritual praise for the glorious deeds of the Athenian ancestors;
their children were raised on state expense. |
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By
mid-fifth century, the symposium had become a pillar of Greek social
life - a private men-only affair, mixing drinking, dining, poetry
recitals, music, jokes, conversation, and at times, dancing girls and
boys for erotic entertainment. Often the party ended with a drunken romp
through the streets. Homosexual love was deemed normal and even
encouraged. Another national pastime was the agora, the central
marketplace around a square, combining shopping, loafing about,
listening to public announcements, and indulging in daylong gossip - all
roads led to the agora, the happening place in town. Young men
frequented gymnasiums preparing for the pentathlon, boxing, or wrestling
- for cerebral workouts some later built annexes, examples of which
include the Academy of Plato and the Lyceum of Aristotle. A city
distinguished itself from a village by the presence of a council house
and other public buildings, a theatre, a gymnasium, and the vitality of
life in the agora. |
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Athenian politicians
never tired of praising 'the Athenian people' and their city, especially in
times of war♣ - its openness,
equality of all citizens, meritocracy, unrivaled freedom - while owning slaves and domesticating their
women, the hetairai or cultured concubines being the sole exception.
The general quality of female social life in Athens was not much different
from that of women in contemporary orthodox Islamic communities - restricted
to the household and denied political equality - a good deal less free than
in Sparta and Crete where they could also own property. Women were believed
to be endowed with less reason than men and attitudes mixed fear of their
irrational and passionate nature with a paternalistic urge to protect them
from the public eye. Sexual double standards flourished. Families were
nuclear but for men their male buddies were far more central to their lives.
The rhetoric of
democracy, freedom, and equality before the law also went hand in hand with
slavery. Slaves were acquired through wars and in purpose were more like the
servants of Victorian-era households but without wages or personal freedom -
each family aspired to owning at least one - there were nearly as many
slaves as citizens. In addition to being porter, nurse, cook, maid, and
tutor, they accompanied soldiers on their campaigns. One searches for men
who called for the abolition of slavery on moral grounds but one does not
find them in ancient Greece. |
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Athens had
awe-inspiring temples, stoas, stately public edifices, with ever more
ambitious conceptions - Phidias' Acropolis was the crowning achievement.
Guilds of sculptors idealized youth and beauty through bronze and marble
with increasing naturalism, some began to emphasize attitudes, feelings,
kinetic motion. The state was the sole patron of the monumental arts and
private palaces in Classical Athens are conspicuous by their absence.
The artist was not the rebel, nor did he restlessly search for highly
individual styles and conceptions to make a personal statement, or to
shock his audience - it was for the philosophers and other public
figures to question the values of society. The artist and his guild were
to produce commissioned work according to the norms of public taste.
Manual labor was despised.♣
Architecture followed mathematical rules and only grew bigger and more
ornate - the Greeks didn't experiment with arches, vaults, or the dome -
that had to wait for the Romans. |
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Athens dominated
the Olympic games (held in honor of Olympian Zeus), pan-Hellenic chariot
races and the performing arts. Playwrights and poets, alongside
sociopolitical plays, subconsciously embellished old legend and erected
new ones in the service of the Athenian people. Pindar proclaimed,
'Shining and violet crowned and celebrated in song, bulwark of Greece,
famous Athens, divine city.' They arrogantly called themselves the
'school of Hellas,' torchbearers of civilization. Of Athenian cultural
conceit Jacob Burckhardt wrote: 'Attica [greater Athens] was traditionally credited with
the invention of civilization to an extent positively insulting to all
others. According to this tradition, it was the Athenians who first
taught the human race how to sow crops and use spring water; not only
were they the first to grow olives and figs, but they invented law and
justice, the agon [competition] and physical exercise, and the
harnessing of horses to carts.' |
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Decades earlier,
Athens was swelled by the outcasts of Hellas. Presently, the
enterprising and gifted Diaspora of the empire flocked to it, making it
the most populous polis: half-a-million people. Grain was the staple of
diet and famines from crop failures were not infrequent. Athens had
fruits and merchandise from distant lands and relied on imports to
supplement local produce like corn and salted fish, maintaining
permanent garrisons abroad to ensure a steady supply. |
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A majority of
male citizens were literate - basic citizen literacy in classical Greece
was probably higher than any other period in western culture before the
twentieth century - the preferred medium of communication however, was
oral, not written. While schoolteachers were generally underpaid, the
Sophists emerged as the first sought after professionals with the chief
aim of teaching independent thinking to young men, concentrating not on
the abstract truth of philosophers but on making a success of human
life, especially for the sons of rich aristocrats. While they taught
subjects like rhetoric, logic, grammar, ethics, politics, physics, and
metaphysics, they were also accused of relativism and of injecting
skepticism into the moral. They made Athens the leading center of
advanced education but caused much consternation in conservative
circles, constantly being accused of impiety, inciting heresies, and
disrupting traditional family values. Many thought them to have little
regard for truth compared to success in oratory and argument. |
Protagoras, a
leading sophist, famously announced, 'Man is the measure of all things: of
things that are, that they are; of things that are not, that they are not'
and, 'I know nothing about the gods, either they are or they are not, or
what are their shapes. For many things make certain knowledge impossible -
the obscurity of the theme and the shortness of human life.' For some young
men it became fashionable to question all orthodox opinion and age-old
tradition. |
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As for other pursuits of mind, Anaxagoras, a
philosopher-friend of Pericles, applied a new spirit of scientific
inquiry to discover the true cause of eclipses. He envisioned the mind
as the chief agent of order in the universe. He claimed the planets to
be stones torn from the earth; later, he was prosecuted on a charge of
impiety for asserting that the Sun too was an incandescent stone
somewhat larger than the Peloponnese. Heraclitus reasoned that
everything in the world is subject to perpetual change and decay caused
by an inevitable clash of opposites: the dialectic. Pythagoras of Samos
had established the Theory of Numbers and the mathematical basis of
musical harmony. Parmenides of Elea argued that all change is illusory
and that understanding of nature must come from reason rather than
experience. Building upon Empedocles' theory of correspondence between
the four basic elements (earth, fire, air, water) and the bodily humors,
Hippocrates was soon to inject empiricism into the study of medicine -
not for the next two thousand years were major breakthroughs realized.
Democritus of Abdera was soon to propose that all physical matter can be
explained in terms of random collisions of the smallest particles, the
atoma. |
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However, none
of these and later scientific insights progressed into technological
innovation or greater productivity at any time in ancient Greece. The
basic Greek technologies in agriculture, stone, clay and metal-working
were all inherited from their Mycenaean predecessors and from the older
civilizations of the Near East, a notable exception being the technology
of ship construction. By and large, understanding of nature was deemed a
sufficient end. Knowledge was not progressive or cumulative for there
was no 'scientific method' - the Greeks made random, though inspired,
forays into science.♣ |
Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides had become household names
in the performing arts. Annual competitions were held during the Springtime
festival, Dionysia, to a packed audience of thousands. Common themes
included the exploration of moral conflict, choice, destiny and behavior
under divine power, psychological drama, political satires, tragedies and
comedies inspired by Homer and other legends, not to mention raucous humor
and sexual innuendoes. |
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All three
playwrights were remarkably prolific - Sophocles wrote 120 plays,
Aeschylus 90, Euripides 92. Aeschylus had fought the Persians at
Marathon, Salamis and Artemesium. His play Persians, which
commemorates the Greek victory at Salamis, later won the first prize at
the Dionysia, as did many others. Sophocles, at age sixteen (in 480
BCE), was chosen for his physical beauty and athletic prowess to lead
the paean celebrating the same victory. Son of a wealthy arms
manufacturer, he later served as a treasurer responsible for managing
the tribute money extorted from Athens' colonies, a part of which
financed the construction of the Acropolis. He was also one of 10
strategoi (military commanders) and one of 10 commissioners
entrusted with Athens' financial and domestic recovery after their
Sicilian misadventure. Predictably enough, he portrayed Athens in fond
terms and won most frequently at the Dionysia. |
Euripides, by
contrast, led a largely private life and remained passionately interested in
ideas which brought him restlessness rather then conviction. He is said to
have associated with Protagoras, Anaxagoras, and other Sophists and
philosopher-scientists. 'There's a strong strain of skepticism in his
writing ... increasing doubt and uncertainty pervade his plays,'
particularly those written towards the close of the Peloponnesian war.♣ Disappointed by the reception of his plays at Athens, and perhaps due to
other disenchantments, he migrated to Macedonia in old age; he died there
before the final defeat of Athens. |
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Meanwhile, Socrates declared that the unexamined
life is not worth living, insisting on self-knowledge and the supremacy
of the intellect - one must work hard to discover the right and wrong.
With Socrates, the central problem of Western philosophy shifted from cosmology
to the formulation of a rule of life through understanding, to a
practical use of reason. As the
Apology relates, Socrates advocated the tending of one's soul, to
make it as good as possible - and not to ruin one's life by putting care
of the body and possessions before care for the soul.♣ |
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Socrates was no
ascetic in denial but an urbane intellectual of aristocratic lineage, a
man of the world, famed for his practical wisdom, modesty, self-control,
generosity, alertness, and integrity. 'There was no complacent
self-righteousness of the Pharisee nor the angry bitterness of the
satirist in his attitude toward the follies or even the crimes of his
fellowmen. It was his deep and lifelong conviction that the improvement
not only of himself but also of his countrymen was a task laid upon him
by his God, not to be executed with a scowling face and an
upbraiding voice. He frequented the society of promising young men, and
talked freely to politicians, poets, and artisans about their various
callings, their notions of right and wrong, the matters of familiar
interest to them.'♣ Socrates, the story goes, when
pronounced the wisest of men by the oracle at Delphi, set about to
investigate the truth of this claim. He interrogated poets, craftsmen,
politicians and other 'wise men.' After investigating, he
concluded: |
'And by Dog gentlemen! my honest
impression was this: it seemed to me ... that the people with the greatest
reputations were almost entirely deficient, while others who were supposed
to be their inferiors were much better qualified in practical intelligence
... it was not wisdom that enabled [the poets] to write their poetry, but
a kind of instinct or inspiration, such as you find in seers and prophets
who deliver all their sublime messages without knowing in the least what
they mean ... I also observed that the fact they were poets made them
think that they had a perfect understanding of all other subjects, of
which they were totally ignorant ... [even craftsmen] seemed to share the
same failing ... this error more than outweighed their positive wisdom ...
[after meeting a politician] I reflected as I walked away: Well, I am
certainly wiser than this man. It is only too likely that neither of us
has any knowledge to boast of; but he thinks that he knows something which
he does not know, whereas I am quite conscious of my ignorance. At any
rate it seems to me that I am wiser than he is to the extent, that I do
not think that I know what I do not know.'♣
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Socrates however was no
democrat - the radical vice of democracy, he believed, is that of putting
society in the hands of men without true insight and with no adequate expert
knowledge. His other criticism was that though in some departments democracy
takes the advice of a qualified expert, on questions of morality and justice
it assigns equal value to all opinions. Herodotus knew many, possibly most,
of these prominent men. |
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The average
Athenian was self-reliant, instinctively praised much-exemplified
community ideals of virtue and goodness, and was easily moved to tender
feelings. He belonged to multiple social groups to which he had many
obligations. He was also pious and superstitious - a citizen could be
penalized for not honoring the gods of the city. Omens had significance
and oracles were routinely consulted. Even in late fifth century the
conservative military general Nicias made disastrous tactical moves in
Sicily based on a lunar eclipse.♣
In spite of a
relatively high degree of personal freedom, the notion of individual
autonomy apart from the twin pillars of community and polis, is absent
from Greek thought. Freedom held meaning and sought expression in a
public life - the modern artist, seeking redemption, solitary pleasure
or glory through a brave new work of the imagination and with no
explicitly larger purpose beyond, would have been quite alien to the
Greeks.
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The
liberal-popular and the conservative-aristocratic became the two
dominant factions in Athenian democracy. Of the former, Pericles, a
blue-blood, outwardly 'espoused the popular cause and chose the side of
the mass of poor people rather than that of the rich few, despite the
fact that his own nature . was far from being sympathetic to the common
people.'♣ Mixing
self-possessed ambition, moderation, lofty principles, dignified
oratory, and real-politik, he democratically appropriated enormous
powers, indulging the citizens now and again in their whimsies,
sponsoring lavish festivities during the Panathanea, and big public
spending projects. Representing the latter faction, the military general
Cimon, a seemingly generous and affable aristocrat, lavished his
considerable private bounty acquired in overseas campaigns on his
countrymen, offering free meals, cash, and clothing to the needy, and on
beautifying the agora. The popular assembly elected ten generals equal
in stature - mostly men of independent means and renown, and responsible
directly to the people. They courted mass appeal via populist deeds and
used oratory as if to exemplify: I speak, therefore, I am.
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A striking
feature of classical Greek society, even in the most democratic of
communities, is its considerable aristocratic leaven and which largely
produced the classical Greek high culture. The spirit of the agon or
competition, fame, glory, honor and the desire to surpass all others were
values enshrined even in the Homeric poems, particularly the Iliad. 'It
was universally the case, and universally accepted as 'natural', that the
members of the community were unequal in resources, skills and style of life
... In this society of unequals, the elites who dominated all activities,
political, military, athletic and cultural, constituted a single group ...
they all came from the same minority of wealthier families, barring the
inevitable exceptions ... the impact and manipulation of ideas and values in
philosophy and science, literature and art, all of them propounded and
developed within the elite circle ... these creators of Greek high culture,
in every field, were professionals; they had the necessary training and they
devoted themselves more or less full-time to [their pursuits].'♣ The ordinary population appreciated not much more than the more visible
aspects of high culture, particularly the visual arts and athletics. |
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In Herodotus'
prime, Athens was the dominant naval and imperial power with colonies
all over the map. It offered military protection to members of the
Athenian (Delian) league in exchange for tributes, euphemistically
called contributions♣
- other euphemisms include protection for military occupation,
prison was dwelling, an Athenian military defeat was to have a
misfortune. Athenian citizens were granted homesteads in the colonies,
cementing further their hold on them and squelching any moral objection
from the participants. Many of the colonized though, even when they
resented the politics of Athens, found its popular culture irresistible.
But unlike the Roman empire, the benefits of citizenship were restricted
to the progeny of Athenian citizens, exacerbating further the
psychological gap between the rulers and the ruled. The professed
objective of Athenian foreign policy was to aggressively promote
democracies abroad in direct opposition to the more muted Spartan
confederacy's preference for oligarchies. Exceptions to high principle
were frequently made for illiberal ends. At times, foreign territory was
grabbed in the name of goddess Athena herself. |
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In reality, wars
were used to acquire wealth, to keep the economy humming, to flex their
muscle of growing power, and to distract citizens from domestic issues. Classical Athens
soon turned into a wartime economy. Special interest
groups in popular assemblies cloaked their impassioned speeches in the
rhetoric of national interest and glory - deemed acceptable grounds for
hostile military action even when others' legitimate rights were mauled.
Athens began asserting itself in all manner of allied causes and
interfered in other nations' internal matters. It had shrewd orators -
demagogues, idealists, pragmatists, with the ability to manipulate
public opinion to catastrophic ends - illustrated by the
Mitylene debate
when the popular assembly, following the frenzied instigation of the
demagogue Cleon, voted to condemn all men in the rebellious colony to
death to set an example.♣
Leaders also weathered the fickle wrath of popular sentiment - banished
now, back in favor again. Even their most celebrated Persian war hero, Themistocles, late in his life, was forced to take refuge in Xerxes'
court. In late fifth century, Alcibiades, playboy-aristocrat, star
athlete, ambitious politician and general, was warmly embraced after
falling out with the public and, in retaliation, colluding with the
Spartans to bring about the defeat of Nicias' Athenians in Sicily. |
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In greater
Hellas, Athens repeatedly invoked its role in the Persian wars as moral
justification for present domination, backing it up with militant
aggression, much to the exasperation of the second-rank powers and other
'inward-looking' city-states. A generation after Herodotus, the great
historian Thucydides thought the Peloponnesian war inevitable:
Athens had become an unprincipled bully; they had to be checked. Their
cultural effulgence had a dark side; they were victims of their own
cupidity and recklessness. Their conduct towards other city-states, with
its own self-serving logic and momentum, had set them on a road to
disaster. |
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Some Athenians believed that a just society needed an
inspired combination of philosophy and real-politick in a leader - a
philosopher-king, but the production and predictable supply of such men
proved utopian. Democracy relied on public awareness,
responsibility, and participation to provide a bulwark against any willful
abuse of power; conscious citizens were vital for its success in their
asking - who are these men making decisions for me and my people and does
'my god' approve of them? In Athens, the disparity between rich and poor had
become enormous,♣ as did the
knowledge gap between the civilized few and the superstitious many. Class
conflict between wealthy landowners and less fortunate craftsmen, sailors
and small traders became pervasive; the poor began asking awkward questions
when reminded of their obligation to the polis. Thucydides portrays the
fragile and corruptible nature of popular government and noble
institutions, the twin spectacle of the juggernaut of history and an
endlessly vulnerable humanity, egocentric leaders lusting for power and
glory, and at times inevitability, in light of the often blind and
contending cultural instincts of peoples - his is a stage portrait of man,
the political animal.
♣
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Thucydides
attributes this speech to a Corinthian orator addressing the Spartans
after a sedition in Corcyra ♣ in
427 BCE, probably soon after Herodotus' death. Exasperated and
bitter at the growing arrogance of Athens, the orator uses forceful
words to rouse their less politically savvy neighbors by bluntly
contrasting their values with those of the Athenians.
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... the great contrast between the two national characters ...
how widely, how absolutely different from yourselves. The Athenians are
addicted to innovation, their designs are characterized by swiftness alike
in conception and execution; ... they are adventurous beyond their power,
daring beyond their judgment, in danger they are sanguine ... swift to
follow up a success, and slow to recoil from a reverse ... they hope to
extend their acquisitions, you fear to endanger what you have left ... they
toil ... with little opportunity for enjoying, being ever engaged in
getting: their only idea of a holiday is to do what the occasion demands .
laborious occupation is less of a misfortune than the peace of a quiet
life ... they were born into the world to take no rest themselves and to
give none to others. And yet, Lacedemonians [Spartans], you still delay,
and fail to see that peace stays longest with those who are not more
careful to use their power justly than to show their determination not to
submit to injustice ... your habits are old fashioned ... it is the law as in
art, so in politics, that improvements ever prevail; and though fixed
usages may be best for undisturbed communities, constant necessities of
action must be accompanied by the constant improvement of methods ... the
vast experience of Athens has carried her farther away than you on the
path of innovation. Here, at least, let your procrastination end ...
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Classical Athenian
thinkers appear striking in their effusive energy, flair, and optimism. The
goal of human striving, they believed, was understanding that led to
personal virtue and political action. With the premise that men are
essentially unequal in moral caliber, they pondered over 'the ideal form of
government', 'justice', and 'civic virtue' - grand narratives with
unequivocal answers, they believed, within the reach of reason. They
regarded the framework of the polis as an indispensable agency to human
happiness. Not constrained by inflexible religious dogma - religion and
state didn't mingle - their politics was built on a foundation of equality,
citizenship, and public discourse. The right to own property (unlike in
Persia) and the cultural imperatives of success and achievement created the
ideal conditions for initiative, curiosity, and ambition. It fostered
self-reliance and creativity. Reward was individual and immediate and came
in the form of fame and glory. Competitive self-interest became a truism as
it didn't in any other society until two thousand years later.
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As it turned out,
Athenian self-interest sought expression in a visible public life. The
pursuit of selfish gain devoid of at least a seeming public purpose was
sneered at - not because of religion but culture. Their able minds were
not lured by profit via trade, industry, and higher productivity.♣
Still, even this proved to be no insurance against corruption, greed,
and abuse of power. And they paid for it in the end as their ambitious
yahoos hankering after fame and glory took control. In modern times,
competitive self-interest was to embrace the pursuit of private gain as
a not-unworthy end in itself, with the belief that wider benefit would
generally accrue from it - effectively raising the stakes for humanity.
Socrates most likely would have been appalled (if not also amused). |
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What followed
the classical age was fragmentation - of polity and national feeling -
the Peloponnesian war threw Hellas into crisis and turmoil.♣
The institutions of the polis were negated by the Macedonian monarchy of
Philip and Alexander; emphasis
shifted from political to other aspects of moral philosophy. In came the
winding-down of the Hellenistic age, a withdrawal into the inner self,
the soul-centered Stoics, Cynics, Epicureans - wisdom calling for
humility, kindness, and detachment from the transient material world
with its vain constructs - virtue born of reflection was good, ambition
and ego unworthy, passion-filled activism dubious.♣
While advocating reason and the pursuit of knowledge, its leading
exponents strongly cautioned against excesses of human nature that
promote disquietude and anxiety. The classical age was followed by an
age of personal reckoning.♣
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